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Tempus Fugit Memento Mori - Time Flies Remember Death
Lessons from Milosovic, the fascist leader and the illogic of fascist war
Another example of a failed fascist despot and EU weakness
by StFerdIII
In fascism the leader is paramount. He once described himself as the ‘Ayatollah Khomeini of Serbia,’ assuring his prime minister, Milan Panic, that ‘the Serbs will follow me no matter what.’ For years, they did — through wars that dismembered Yugoslavia and plunged what was left of the country into social, political, moral and economic ruin. But in the end, most of his people abandoned him: first in October 2000, when he was unable to convince the majority of Yugoslavs that he had staved off electoral defeat by his successor, Vojislav Kostunica, and again on April 1, 2001, when he surrendered after a 26-hour standoff to face criminal charges stemming from his ruinous rule. Milosovic the fascist leader of a ‘Greater Serbia’ caused a series of wars that killed 300,000 innocents and displaced millions. Unable to bear his burden he most likely killed himself to avoid the humiliation of recounting, yet again, his innumerable crimes against humanity.
The Balkan wars in the 1990s can be directly attributable to Milosovic and his ambition [and that of the Serbian elite], to build a Greater Serbian empire. A simple fact is this – without Milosovic the wars never would have occurred. No evidence exists to dispute this. The wars which tore up the former unnatural fascist empire of Yugoslavia did not need to occur. They could have been prevented first through some internal diplomatic deal making between the various states that wanted to secede from the Republic in 1991, and second through timely Western military intervention. What then are the lessons from Milosovic’s failed fascist empire? First Europe is a weak and confused confederation unable to even police its own frontiers and defend so-called European values of human rights, freedom of association and peace. Second international dialogue and hiding behind due processes while thousands are murdered is immoral and gives lie to the internationalist analysis of geo-political struggle and war. Milosovic’s career clearly shows why liberal internationalism is a depraved failure.
Like elsewhere across the Iron curtain during 1991 Yugoslavia collapsed. Slovenia and Croatia seceded from the Republic, followed by Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Milosovic and the Yugoslav ‘People's’ Army (JNA) were humiliated in a ten day war with Slovenia when they marched into Slovenia to save the Greater Serbian empire formerly called Yugoslavia. At this point, Miloševi? adopted a policy of establishing a ‘Greater Serbia’, based on the fascist premise that the Serbian ‘race’ which existed in Croatia (580,000) and Bosnia (1.36 million) should have the right to stay in Yugoslavia. Milosovic fantasized that the Yugoslav Constitution gave the right of self-determination to races (to the Serb nation for example), and not mere republics. This policy of course caused the civil wars that followed. The Serbs outside of Serbia proper were minorities that lived in ethnically mixed areas with large non-Serb populations in their midst. These areas were also not contiguous with Serbia itself. Milosovic’s race based policy was the main reason war erupted.
In 1992 following his defeat in Slovenia and after the imposition of his race policy Milosovic plunged Bosnia and Herzegovina into war. Using existent Serb forces in Bosnia Milosovic and the Bosnian Serb army soon captured as much as 70% of the country, expelling hundreds of thousands of non-Serbs and killing many thousands more, often in atrocities such as the Srebrenica massacre. Miloševi? played a leading part not only in the invasion of Bosnia but also in allowing the massacres to occur. Though ‘Bosnian’ Serbs were responsible for reducing Bosnia and eradicating tens of thousands of innocents they were supported of course by Milosovic and Belgrade.
Concomitantly Milosovic invaded Croatia to expand his Greater Serbian state. But that war proved un-winnable. By 1995 both the wars in Croatia and Bosnia had become an unsupportable burden for Serbia. Hyperinflation and a drastic worsening of living standards, racked Serbia. Economic collapse swiftly followed the imposition of international sanctions. Miloševi? sought to force the Croatian and Bosnian Serbs to the negotiating table but was rebuffed by their nationalist leaderships. In response, despite his earlier support for their rebellions, he let it be known that they were on their own.
The Croatian War was brought to an end in August 1995 when Croatia's Operation Storm rapidly overran the Republic of Serbian Krajina. Almost the entire Croatian Serb population was expelled from Croatia in the process, fleeing into Bosnia and Serbia. Only a month later, the Bosnian Serbs were brought to the brink of military collapse by a combination of NATO air strikes (Operation Deliberate Force) and a joint Croatian/Bosniak ground offensive (Operation Mistral). Again, many hundreds of thousands of Serbs were forced into exile.
In 1995 Miloševi? negotiated the Dayton Agreement in the name of the Bosnian Serbs, ending the conflict. After assuming the Presidency of Serbia in 1997 [the rump of the former Yugoslav state], a rebellion erupted in largely Albanian-Muslim Kosovo against the Serbs. The separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began to launch attacks against Serbian and Yugoslav security forces as well as Serbian officials and those Albanians, Serbs and others whom the KLA regarded as collaborators. Although the Serbian response was initially fairly restrained, by 1998 hundreds had died in escalating retaliations and 100,000 Kosovo Albanians were reported to have been made homeless.
The conflict culminated in the Kosovo War of 1999, during which over half of the province's Albanian population fled and several thousand people died. A NATO campaign of air strikes (Operation Allied Force) eventually forced Miloševi? to back down. The subsequent Kumanovo Agreement saw Kosovo being handed over to a United Nations protectorate along with the total withdrawal of Yugoslav forces. In the aftermath of the war, the majority of Kosovo's Serb and Roma population fled into Serbia proper, fearing or experiencing persecution by vengeful Albanians and adding to the country's already large refugee population.
Milosovic the fascist in trying to create greater Serbia had instead created yet another European genocide.
It is clear that Milosovic was a pathological murderer and racist. He started wars with the Croats and Slovenians before warring on the Muslims. Apologists today liken Milosovic to Charles Martel who warred against the Islamic tide. Yet long before Kosovo Milosovic was warring against Europeans not Muslims. That does not fit in with the idea that he was the West's friend against Islam. In any event a dictator and murderer should never be an ally. The Balkan wars showed 1. That Europe is defenseless and could not even stop a war in its own backyard without pleading for US military aid and 2. Bombing from 30.000 feet is not an intelligent way to wage war and does more damage to civilians and non military infrastructure than to military and government targets.
Kosovo and the Balkan wars taught the US military not to trust the Europeans nor international due processes where results are neglected in the mad desire for a magical consensus. This paved the way for the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 when the US eschewed weak European military help and UN dithering and decided, quite rightly, that a quick and decisive war would be more easily conducted under US command.
